Question 1 / 6What are the origins of the war in Yemen?
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Understanding the Complexity of the Yemen War

An overview of the ongoing conflict in Yemen, the key players involved, and potential pathways to resolution.

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What are the origins of the war in Yemen?
Complex · 11 min read

The deeper explanation

The 2011 uprising pushed President Ali Abdullah Saleh from office and began a transition under Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi. That process did not resolve disputes over military command, power-sharing or the distribution of state resources. The Houthis, based in northern Yemen, opposed the transition and expanded beyond Saada. In September 2014, they entered Sana’a with forces allied to Saleh. Hadi left the capital in early 2015 and later fled Yemen. Saudi Arabia then led a coalition intervention, saying it sought to restore his government. The Houthis remained in control of Sana’a, while other areas divided among government forces, southern separatists and local armed groups.

The immediate chain is specific to Understanding the Complexity of the Yemen War: The 2011 uprising ended Ali Abdullah Saleh’s 33-year presidency, but the transition left disputes over military command and power-sharing unresolved. The Houthis expanded from Saada and entered Sana’a in September 2014. The Houthis hold Sana’a and much of northern Yemen; the internationally recognised government and its partners hold other areas. The Southern Transitional Council competes with government forces for authority in the south, while Saudi Arabia and Iran back opposing sides. Yemen imports most of its food. Damage and restrictions affecting ports, roads, currency and oil exports raise the cost of grain and fuel, while unpaid public salaries leave families with less cash to buy them.

The system is constrained by the conditions described in the story. Control of Sana’a, southern ports and oil-producing areas affects who collects revenue, pays public workers and brings imported food into Yemen. The outcome depends on which pressures are strongest, which resources are available and how the people or institutions involved respond.

The situation can change when the relevant actors alter their behaviour, when a key resource becomes scarce or available, or when a rule changes who can act and at what cost.

The consequences extend beyond the immediate question. Yemen’s food crisis is tied to both household income and the cost of imports: reopening a port helps only if families can afford the goods arriving there. The 2011 uprising ended Ali Abdullah Saleh’s 33-year presidency, but the transition left disputes over military command and power-sharing unresolved. The Houthis expanded from Saada and entered Sana’a in September 2014. The Houthis hold Sana’a and much of northern Yemen; the internationally recognised government and its partners hold other areas. The Southern Transitional Council competes with government forces for authority in the south, while Saudi Arabia and Iran back opposing sides. Damage and restrictions affecting ports, roads, currency and oil exports raise the cost of grain and fuel, while unpaid public salaries leave families with less cash to buy them.

Territory: Houthi control of Sana’a, government-held areas and STC influence in the south divide authority. Revenue: Oil exports, customs and taxation determine whether rival administrations can pay workers and provide services. Imports: Port access, the rial’s value and shipping costs shape the price of wheat, fuel and medicine.

Why it matters

The date 2014 marks the Houthi takeover of Sana’a, but the war’s roots include the failed transition after the 2011 uprising. That distinction explains why restoring the prewar government alone would not settle disputes over northern representation, southern autonomy, military command or oil revenue. Yemen’s food crisis is tied to both household income and the cost of imports: reopening a port helps only if families can afford the goods arriving there.

The wider system

The power network behind the origins of the war in Yemen

01

The 2011 uprising ended Ali Abdullah Saleh’s 33-year presidency, but the transition left disputes over military command and power-sharing unresolved. The Houthis expanded from Saada and entered Sana’a in September 2014. the origins of the war in Yemen is negotiated by governments, organised groups and populations with different security, economic and political constraints.

02

Alliances, trade routes, finance and information flows change the leverage available to each actor, so a local move can alter choices far beyond the original dispute.

03

Domestic politics and public budgets set the room for manoeuvre: leaders must convert external pressure into policies that people, institutions and markets will bear.

Story collection

6 questions to explore

Open a question to read its explainer and follow the linked questions in this collection.

  1. 01You are hereFeatured
  2. 02Who are the main parties involved in the conflict?
  3. 03What impact has the war had on civilians in Yemen?
  4. 04What role do international powers play in the Yemen conflict?
  5. 05Are there any ongoing peace efforts to resolve the conflict?
  6. 06What are the potential solutions for peace in Yemen?
Consequences & trade-offs

The Price of the Choice

Yemen’s war has strengthened armed authorities, but each proposed route to peace distributes security and political power differently.

01

Who gains? Who loses?

One choice can shift advantages and costs in different directions.

Houthi leadership

Political

GainTaking Sana’a created de facto rule in much of the north and a seat at any serious negotiation.

CostWar and outside attacks expose the population under its rule to continuing insecurity.

Recognised authorities and southern groups

Political

GainRecognition gives the authorities a diplomatic role; UAE backing built local influence for southern separatists.

CostTheir rival visions—one state or southern independence—block a united negotiating position.

Yemeni civilians

Human

GainA ceasefire could reduce immediate exposure to fighting.

CostFragmented authority still disrupts safety, services and livelihoods.

02

What’s the catch?

Each apparent fix solves one problem—and may worsen another.

Retake territory by force

SolvesCould weaken an armed rival’s control.

ButDestruction can deepen without producing a government local factions accept.

Make a Saudi–Houthi deal first

SolvesCould reduce cross-border confrontation.

ButIt cannot settle who governs southern Yemen or bind every Yemeni faction.

Restore one central government

SolvesCould re-establish a national framework.

ButSouthern groups may reject rule from Sana’a unless they share real authority.

The unresolved choiceCan Yemen rebuild national authority while giving southern groups a genuine say in who governs them?

People, power & decisions

Meet the players

The actors who emerged from Yemen’s political breakdown did not want the same replacement for the old government. Their later alliances also changed: the cards distinguish those historical roles from their position today.

8 players · Open a card to read their profileChecked
Yemeni movement

Houthis

Armed movement governing from Sana’a

Wants topreserve their rule in northern Yemen and force opponents to negotiate with them.

Read profile: Houthis

Also called Ansar Allah, the Houthis grew out of Yemen’s northern Zaydi community. They took Sana’a in 2014 and run governing institutions in the territory they hold.

Iranian weapons and technical assistance have helped extend their missile and drone reach. That gives them leverage against Saudi Arabia and shipping, but not control of all Yemen. Rival Yemeni forces and foreign military responses constrain them. Their own leadership makes decisions; Iranian backing does not prove that Tehran orders every attack.

What to watchWhether Houthi leaders exchange restrictions on attacks for negotiated access and political concessions.

Sources: [1][2]

Flag of Yemen
Yemeni authorities

Yemen’s recognised authorities

The internationally recognised government

Wants tore-establish state authority while holding together forces that oppose the Houthis.

Read profile: Yemen’s recognised authorities

The Presidential Leadership Council replaced President Hadi in 2022. International recognition gives these authorities a seat in diplomacy, but does not give them command over every armed group opposed to the Houthis.

Their Saudi-backed forces reversed southern separatist gains in January 2026. Rival commanders and competing claims over southern Yemen still complicate a common negotiating position. A deal signed by recognised officials therefore needs cooperation from forces that actually control territory.

What to watchWhether the council can turn agreements among leaders into orders that local forces follow.

Sources: [1][2]

Flag of Saudi Arabia
Government

Saudi Arabia

Border power and government backer

Wants toprevent hostile attacks across its southern border and retain influence over a neighbouring Yemen.

Read profile: Saudi Arabia

The Saudi government led the 2015 intervention to restore Hadi’s government, viewing the Iran-backed Houthis as a border threat. It can supply money, military backing and diplomatic support to Yemen’s recognised authorities.

Those tools cannot make Yemeni factions share a political goal. Saudi Arabia and the UAE have supported different partners in the south; their confrontation there in early 2026 exposed that split. Saudi talks with the Houthis alone cannot settle southern demands about who governs them.

What to watchWhether Riyadh’s arrangements with the Houthis also leave a workable role for other Yemeni parties.

Sources: [1][2]

Flag of the United Arab Emirates
Government

United Arab Emirates

Backer of southern armed partners

Wants toretain influence through Yemeni partners, including forces that have challenged the Saudi-backed government.

Read profile: United Arab Emirates

The UAE joined the Saudi-led coalition but backed the Southern Transitional Council and other local forces. Its partners’ ambitions in southern Yemen did not match Riyadh’s support for the recognised authorities.

After the separatists’ reversal, the UAE withdrew its remaining forces in January 2026. Earlier military support built relationships, not unlimited control: local allies pursue their own goals, and Saudi opposition limits what Emirati backing can achieve. Analysts caution that troop withdrawal need not mean an end to political influence.

What to watchWhether Abu Dhabi and Riyadh reach an accommodation over their competing Yemeni partnerships.

Sources: [1][2][3]

Flag of Iran
Government

Iran

Weapons and technical backer of the Houthis

Wants touse its Houthi partnership to exert influence near Saudi Arabia and the Red Sea.

Read profile: Iran

Iran has supplied the Houthis with weapons expertise, training and military assistance, according to UN reporting and specialist research. Missiles and drones let a Yemeni movement threaten targets beyond its territory.

The relationship gives Tehran a way to put pressure on regional opponents without deploying a conventional army in Yemen. But the Houthis have their own leadership and priorities. Iran can help equip them; it cannot be assumed to control each decision or deliver their agreement to a settlement.

What to watchChanges in arms transfers and technical assistance, rather than treating every Houthi action as an Iranian order.

Sources: [1]

Historical South Yemen flag used by southern separatist supporters
Southern movement

Southern Transitional Council

Southern independence movement in upheaval

Wants toseek a separate southern state, rather than simply replace the Houthis with a united Yemeni government.

Read profile: Southern Transitional Council

Backed by the UAE, the STC fought the Houthis while also challenging Yemen’s recognised authorities. Saudi-backed forces overturned its territorial gains in January 2026.

Some delegates then announced its dissolution; other representatives rejected their authority to do so. A September parliamentary briefing reports a relaunch as the Transitional Council of South Arabia. Its losses limit its military leverage, but the southern independence demand remains a separate issue for any settlement.

What to watchWho can credibly represent southern separatists in talks after the movement’s split and reorganisation.

Sources: [1][2]

Portrait of Abdul-Malik al-Houthi
Person

Abdul-Malik al-Houthi

Houthi leader setting the movement’s political and military line

Wants topreserve Houthi authority while using military pressure to improve its negotiating position

LeverageControl over Houthi political messaging, military escalation and participation in talks.

Read profile: Abdul-Malik al-Houthi

Abdul-Malik al-Houthi is the movement’s principal public leader. His speeches and decisions help set how the Houthis combine governing authority in northern Yemen with military pressure on opponents and shipping.

He can approve a change in the movement’s posture, but he does not command every local network or erase Yemen’s other political claims. Access to weapons, pressure from Iran, civilian costs and the need to preserve internal support constrain his choices.

What to watchWhether his leadership converts military leverage into a settlement that other Yemeni actors can accept.

Sources: [1]

Portrait: image source

Portrait of Rashad al-Alimi
Person

Rashad al-Alimi

Chair of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council

Wants tokeep the internationally recognised authorities represented while holding their coalition together

LeverageFormal recognition and access to international diplomacy, but limited command over coalition forces.

Read profile: Rashad al-Alimi

Rashad al-Alimi chairs the Presidential Leadership Council rather than governing a unified Yemeni state. His role matters because international recognition gives the council a diplomatic seat, while actual military and administrative power is divided among partners.

He can endorse a national framework and negotiate with outside backers, but needs rival commanders and southern representatives to implement any agreement. Saudi support, factional competition and the council’s limited control constrain his authority.

What to watchWhether the council can turn a negotiated text into instructions that local forces actually follow.

Sources: [1]

Portrait: image source

Sources & visual credits

The STC lost its territorial position in January 2026. Its disputed dissolution and subsequent reorganisation are explained in its profile. The historical southern flag identifies that movement; it is not Yemen’s national flag.

Flags and logos identify the actors; they do not imply endorsement.

  • Yemen flag — Wikimedia Commons. Public-domain artwork; applicable trademarks remain with their owners.
  • Saudi Arabia flag — Wikimedia Commons. Public-domain artwork; applicable trademarks remain with their owners.
  • United Arab Emirates flag — Wikimedia Commons. Public-domain artwork; applicable trademarks remain with their owners.
  • Iran flag — Wikimedia Commons. Public-domain artwork; applicable trademarks remain with their owners.
  • Historical South Yemen flag — Wikimedia Commons. Public-domain artwork; applicable trademarks remain with their owners.

The mountain illustration represents the Houthis’ northern Yemeni origins; it is not their emblem.

System lens

What makes this more complicated?

Three layers that help explain what changes the outcome.

01

Starting conditions

History, resources and institutional capacity set the starting position before the visible outcome appears.

02

Limits and trade-offs

Rules, capacity and competing priorities limit which responses are practical, even when several options look possible.

03

Choices and distribution

The outcome depends on who can change those conditions and how its consequences are shared.

What happens next?

Too uncertain to forecast responsibly

What we know

A durable settlement would require armed actors and civilian institutions to implement arrangements, not merely announce talks.

Why the path is unclear

Territorial control, revenue sharing, regional intervention and enforcement remain separate obstacles, making an end-date forecast unjustified.

What to watch

  • Terms accepted by the relevant Yemeni actors
  • Verified ceasefire and access compliance
  • Agreements on public revenue and salaries
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Analyse this story as a connected technical and social system. Cover the underlying mechanism, infrastructure, maturity, safety, economics, regulation, access, unintended consequences and the largest sources of uncertainty.

Useful words · all levels

10 essential words

Houthi MovementA political and armed group from northern Yemen, involved in the conflict.
Saudi ArabiaA key regional power supporting the Yemeni government against Houthi forces.
UAEThe United Arab Emirates, a coalition partner with Saudi Arabia in the conflict.
Civilian CasualtiesNon-combatant individuals who are harmed or killed during armed conflicts.
Humanitarian CrisisA situation in which a large number of people suffer from severe deprivation of basic needs.
Peace TalksNegotiations aimed at resolving a conflict and establishing peace.
UN InvolvementThe role of the United Nations in mediating and providing humanitarian assistance.
Proxy WarA conflict where two opposing countries support combatants that serve their interests.
CeasefireA temporary stoppage of fighting, often a step towards peace negotiations.
RefugeesIndividuals forced to flee their country due to conflict or persecution.
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